Analysis of Prescribing Variables of Entrepreneurial Intention of Brazilian Immigrants in Portugal

ABSTRACT

Context:

a new migratory flow of Brazilian immigrants in Portugal is made up of individuals with greater financial and entrepreneurial capacity, a high level of professional qualification or individuals who seek higher qualification (masters and doctoral students and researchers).

Objective:

the study seeks to identify possible variables that prescribe the entrepreneurial intention of Brazilian immigrants in Portugal, showing characteristics of this group.

Methods:

survey questionnaires were applied to 667 Brazilian respondents, inhabitants of Portugal. It was used logit equations to analyze the data, in order to assess the relationship between entrepreneurial intention and the variables gender, age at arrival, educational level, length of stay in the country, status of student-tourist-work visa - citizenship application status - permanent migration.

Results:

the article contributes in a theoretical way by highlighting variables related to the intention to undertake in one of the largest communities of Brazilian immigrants in Portugal.

Conclusion:

the findings point to the following variables that had a positive influence on the intention to undertake: age at arrival, time in the country, work visa, education level, tourist visa and claim citizenship. In terms of practical implications, the study may support funding mechanisms.

Keywords:
immigration; entrepreneurial intent; influencing factors

RESUMO

Contexto:

um novo fluxo migratório de imigrantes brasileiros em Portugal é composto por indivíduos com maior capacidade financeira e empreendedora, alto nível de qualificação profissional ou por indivíduos que buscam maior qualificação (estudantes de mestrado e doutorado e pesquisadores).

Objetivo:

o estudo busca identificar possíveis variáveis prescritoras da intenção empreendedora dos imigrantes brasileiros em Portugal, evidenciando características desse grupo.

Métodos:

foram aplicados questionários do tipo survey com 667 respondentes brasileiros habitantes de Portugal, sendo utilizadas equações logit para análise dos dados, visando aferir a relação da intenção empreendedora com as variáveis sexo, idade na chegada, nível educacional, tempo de estada no país, status do visto estudante- trabalho -turista, status de pedido de cidadania - migração definitiva. Resultados: o artigo contribui de forma teórica ao evidenciar variáveis relacionadas à intenção de empreender em uma das maiores comunidades de imigrantes brasileiros em Portugal.

Conclusão:

os achados apontam para as seguintes variáveis que tiveram influência positiva na intenção de empreender: idade na chegada, tempo no país, visto de trabalho, nível de educação, visto de turista e reivindicar cidadania. Em termos de implicações práticas, o estudo poderá embasar mecanismos de fomento.

Palavras-chave:
imigração; intenção empreendedora; fatores de influência

INTRODUCTION

Since the last half of the 19th century, the beginning of the 20th century and for many years, Brazil has been a country known for receiving immigrants from all over the world (Amaral, Costa, & Allgayer, 2017). These migratory flows over the 20th and 21st centuries have decreased, but did not stop. Recently, refugees incorporated a large part of immigrants, accounting for over 80 thousand applications in 2018, of which 61,681 were Venezuelans, 7,000 Haitians, 2,749 Cubans, 1,450 Chinese and 947 Bengali (Comitê Nacional para os Refugiados, 2019).

Although maintaining the status of a receiving country, from the 1980s onwards, Brazil increased its emigration flow to the world (Castro & Castro Lima, 2018). According to data released by Itamaraty (Ministério das Relações Exteriores, 2016) there were just over three million Brazilians living abroad in 2016. However, the Itamaraty data does not reflect the actual contingent of Brazilians living abroad for two reasons: (a) they are quite outdated since the census completed four years ago, and (b) only involve official immigration data, disregarding the irregular or ‘illegal’ migratory flows (Oliveira, 2008).

Cruz, Falcão and Paula (2018), in one of their works focuses on Brazilian emigration to Australia, highlighted the violence and the lack of perspectives for professional growth among the main factors that led Brazilians to emigrate. These factors are also highly relevant in the context of Brazilian emigration to Portugal.

Although Portugal is an important destination for Brazilians and there is recent academic production present in the main repositories of national articles (CAPES, Scielo Brasil, among others), there are many articles that treat the topic superficially (for example, Ferreira, 2017; Guedes & Marques, 2008; Iorio & Nogueira, 2019; Oro, 2017; Pereira & Esteves, 2017; Roberto & Moleiro, 2015; Saturnino, 2015; Vala, Brito, & Lopes, 2015), especially with aspects relative to entrepreneurship of Brazilian immigrants in Portugal.

Authors such as França and Padilla (2018) as well as Souza and Iorio, (2018) highlight in their studies that the resurgence of Brazilian emigration in Portugal has different characteristics that encompass not only numerical expressiveness, but profile diversity. This new migratory flow, according to the authors, involves a new profile of Brazilian immigrants, composed of individuals with greater financial and entrepreneurial capacity, a high level of professional qualification or individuals who seek higher qualification (master's and doctoral students and researchers). Allied to this fact, part of the immigrants, with more advanced age, enjoy the possibility of receiving their pensions from Brazil on Portuguese soil without taxes (Souza & Iorio, 2018). In addition, there is still space for conducting in-depth studies, which allow us to see in more detail the nature and flow composition, as well as highlight factors that leads to the Brazilian's intention to be entrepreneurs on Portuguese soil. With the growth of the migratory flow, the number of Brazilians barred in Portugal also grows, as reported by Machado (2005) and Peixoto (2007).

Based on these gaps presented above, the authors of this article proposed to the Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (National Council for Scientific and Technological Development) a research that analyzed the entrepreneurial characteristics of Brazilians living in Portugal. With the approval of the referred project, they conducted a survey at the destination with a significant sample of respondents. From this stage on, a series of in-depth interviews has been conducted to complement this quantitative approach, although it has not been used in this article. However, for the present article, the survey data triangulation was carried out through reports extracted from Whatsapp groups of Brazilians seeking information to emigrate to Portugal.

Many immigrants see entrepreneurship as an alternative to local employment (Portes & Zhou, 1992). This phenomenon of entrepreneurship of Brazilian immigrants is no different, and has been studied for some decades by authors such as Sasaki (1999), Sales and Loureiro (2004), Margolis (2013), Cruz, Falcão and Barreto (2017), enunciating the different business and entrepreneurial strategies for local or co-ethnic clients. Several factors explain the performance of entrepreneurs (Dolhey, 2019; Lerner, Brush, & Hisrich, 1997): individual motivations and goals; social learning (Adekiya & Ibrahim, 2016) and early life experiences (Schoon & Duckworth, 2012); affiliation networks, human capital and environmental influences (Brockhaus & Horwitz, 1986; Hisrich & Brush, 1984; Porfírio, Carrilho & Mónico, 2016; Santos, Caetano, Spagnoli, Costa, & Neumeyer, 2017). As for individual motivations and goals, there are psychological ones (Brockhaus & Horwitz, 1986), those related to opportunities (Hisrich & Brush, 1984) or related to self-esteem issues (Miskin & Rose, 1990).

It is noticed that many researches regarding entrepreneurial intention are associated with variables linked to personality traits and entrepreneurial mindset (for example Baum & Locke, 2004; Dolhey, 2019; Pfeifer, Šarlija, & Zekić-Sušac, 2016). Furthermore, it is empirically known that situational variables (e.g. employment status or educational level) or individual variables (e.g. demographic characteristics or personality traits) are weak predictors (Krueger, Reilly, & Carsrud, 2000; Yukongdi & Lopa, 2017). That is, predicting business activities by modeling only situational or personal factors generally results in small explanatory power and even less predictive validity. However, secondary socio-demographic and situational data on immigrants are often available in government databases, and immigrant questionnaires or censuses are more easily implemented than personality traits and entrepreneurial mindset surveys. Therefore, the present work aims to determine which variables would be statistically relevant to predict whether a Brazilian immigrant in Portugal could become (or already became) an entrepreneur. Through the analysis of statistical data derived from the surveys, it was proposed to structure a logit equation including variables such as: gender, age at arrival, educational level, length of stay in the foreign country until the time of the research, visa status (student, work or tourist), status of citizenship claim or permanent migration.

Next, the sections of theoretical framework, methodology, results and discussion are presented, including the history of migrations and their motivations, Brazil and Portugal within the migratory context, main theories about the entrepreneurship of immigrants and about the factors related to the intention and success to the entrepreneur.

THEORETICAL BACKGROUND

History of migration and its motivations

Migratory movements are part of the history of humankind, and even in the Paleolithic Era, there were already migrations of hominids that were nomads, causing them to change regions when the food where they were established was exhausted (Appel, 2017). The discovery of how to manipulate fire and the division of labor between men (hunters) and women (collectors) were two critical issues for the change in peoples' settlement: from nomadism to a sedentary lifestyle. In addition, the nascent technology of tool production allowed the development of skills for building shelters, making clothes and treating hunted meat (Leopoldi, 2004). With the emergence of the concept of the Modern State (Bresser-Pereira, 2017; Maluf, 2018) in Western Europe (15th century), migration between countries or nations took its shape. Unlike what happened until the middle of the 20th century, when so-called planned migrations were still identified, with the aim of defending the national territory by creating colonial settlements (Vilione, 2017), the movement of people across the globe is currently subject of discussions and controversies.

The first sociological studies on immigration highlight the theme of cultural assimilation. Alba and Nee (1997), for example, describe the melting pot theory and the idea that a complete assimilation of the native's culture by immigrants could generate “a nation composed of a completely new race that would end up affecting the changes in the world scene through its workforce and its subsequent posterity”. (Gloor, 2006, p. 29). Other theories and concepts are proposed, particularly the Salad Bowl, or Salad Pot, or cultural mosaic theory (Mahfouz, 2013). In the Salad Bowl notion, several cultures remain distinct and do not merge into a single homogeneous society. Immigrants partially assimilate the new culture but, at the same time, maintain certain practices of their old world (Mahfouz, 2013). Some, however, choose to live a life on the margins, in ethnic enclaves where they can keep their culture almost intact (Mata, 2007).

Indeed, certain elements are crucial for understanding immigration, namely, (a) its motivation, either attractive causes of the host nation or repulsive causes of the country of origin; (b) the duration of the process, whether temporary or permanent; (c) space, whether internal (within a country) or external (outside of it); (d) the form, whether voluntary or forced; and (e) control, whether by legal or illegal entry (Menezes, 2012).

According to Borjas (2017), the desire of most immigrants is to build a better life. In this sense, it is necessary to understand the effort of Portes and Zhou (1992) to show that traditional theories about ethnic poverty and economic mobility did not respond satisfactorily to the situation of many migrants. This means that the issue of legality of work, permission to stay in the country, and access to social assistance services are the elements that make up the controversies of this legal reality. In addition, the phenomenon deserves an analysis in several layers, including theories and analytical lenses from different perspectives, such as anthropology, sociology, geography, urban studies and entrepreneurship (Etemad, 2018).

Brazil and Portugal: the inversion of the country of destination and origin

Brazil has historically always been a country that received immigrants. Still in the 19th century, the Germans (South), the Poles (Paraná), Italians (Rio Grande do Sul in 1875 and São Paulo in 1886) arrived in Brazil. In the period between 1830 and 1930, approximately 3.3 million Europeans left their homeland for Brazilian lands, either to settle or simply earn some money and return to their origins (Vilione, 2017).

If, on the one hand, Brazil has received immigrants since its 'discovery', the Brazilian diaspora is a recent phenomenon. In fact, this migratory movement has gained momentum since the 1980s (Margolis, 2013), fueled by a scenario of long economic stagnation and hyperinflation in the country. Migratory waves with different social profiles have resulted in eclectic communities, without a standard by which the Brazilian immigrant can be universally identified. At first, the profile of the Brazilian immigrant was composed of citizens of the middle class or upper middle class who sought better living conditions abroad. Once established, these pioneering immigrants would open opportunities for others with different profiles, including those who did not speak the local language, becoming dependent on their immigration 'godparents' (Cruz, Falcão, & Barreto, 2018).

The emigration phenomenon of residents of the city of Governador Valadares - MG exemplifies the Brazilian diaspora model. According to Siqueira (2006) due to the mica exploration cycle, several American engineers and their families moved to the region in the 1940s. The first contacts the population had with the dollar were because of payments or tipping on favors or jobs. As the price was much higher than the Brazilian currency, the Valadarenses were left with the idea of opulence and abundance of the place where the Americans came from. Thus, the first 'adventures' of Valadarenses on American soil began in the 1960s. Young people from the middle and upper classes left for exchange programs. Delighted, they wrote letters telling the wonders of America. This brought the perspective that international migration was a possible and relatively easy project to carry out.

In this sense, Cruz, Falcão and Barreto (2018) identified that many of these young people, who originally intended to return to Brazil, ended up settling in the USA and eventually opening their first Brazilian businesses. These small and medium-sized companies allowed the migration of a new wave of Brazilians, with different socioeconomic profiles. Jobs in these new immigrant firms supported people without a college degree and who often did not even know how to pronounce a word in English. Portes and Zhou (1992) describe this ‘democratization’ of the possibility of immigration as one strength of the ethnic enclave. Terzano (2014) points out that immigrants arrived in the USA and Canada at the beginning of the 20th century, settling in areas where their compatriots lived. This process, known as chain migration, provided newcomers with easier access to housing, jobs and socialization, especially when they spoke little to no English. As the number of immigrants grew, the communities grew around them. Thus, the so-called 'ethnic enclaves' were formed, where immigrants could find family grocery stores that sold ethnic food; churches and schools where the native language of immigrants was spoken; and businesses based on skills and assets for which immigrants were well known.

Regarding Portugal, the effect of language is less marked, although there is a pronounced difference in accent, or 'accent ceiling' (Collins & Low, 2010), which can generate some discrimination in work matters and in getting a home. França and Padilla (2018) divide the Brazilian migratory phenomenon into two stages: (a) late 1970s until the late 1990s: formed mainly by qualified professionals who arrived in the country in small numbers; (b) years 2000 to 2010: quantitatively more expressive and with a tendency towards feminization. Also marked by the integration in precarious jobs with a lower qualification level. The authors also point out that, since 2016, there has been an economic recovery in Portugal and the beginning of the Brazilian political and economic crisis. These factors led to a resumption of migratory movements with the following characteristics: (a) intensification of student mobility; (b) Citizenship records by ancestry; (c) increase in requests for Autorização de Residência para Atividades de Investimentos (Residence Authorization for Entrepreneurship Activities); and (d) the re-emigration of those who have returned to Brazil.

Portugal, being the second most popular destination for Brazilian immigrants, has undergone several periods of recession and falling economic indicators in recent years (Ferreira, Callou, Andrade, & Guimarães, 2017. The country, after being accepted as a member of the European Common Market in 1986 and with its accession to the Euro Zone in 1999, benefited from financial flows that provided an infrastructural improvement and an increase in traditional sectors of its economy. The economic crisis of 2008 left the country in a vulnerable situation, with low rates of economic growth and high need for external financing of its public debt (Aguiar-Contraria, Alexandre & Pinho, 2012; Amaral, 2010. The unemployment rate increased from 8.1% in 2007 to 12.9% in 2011 and among the immigrants who lived in the country, this rate went from 9.6% to 17.0% in the same period. However, in Portugal the growing phenomenon of ‘Latin Americanization’ of its immigration is reported (Martínez, 2003) or even of the ‘Brazilianization’ of migratory flows (Padilla, 2006).

In early migratory waves, many Brazilian immigrants were associated with tasks related to low social status and low wages (Ferreira et al., 2017; Horst, Pereira, & Sheringham, 2016). In other words, the Brazilian would take up jobs that Europeans or Americans, with their booming economy, would not be willing to perform, such as housecleaning or construction-related activities, for example. However, considering the favorable exchange rate of the dollar or euro in relation to the Brazilian currency, it became possible for Brazilian immigrants to work in the United States or Europe, to save and send money to their country of origin, getting an improvement in their living standards. Migration flows are dynamic, and it is noted that in various parts of the world, entrepreneurial initiatives emerge in Brazilian immigrant communities (Cruz & Falcão, 2016).

In recent academic literature, several other studies of Brazilians in Portugal are reported. The themes vary, ranging from the international mobility of students and young people to Portugal (Fonseca, Esteves, & Iorio, 2015; Fonseca, Pereira, & Iorio, 2016; Iorio & Nogueira, 2019; Togni, 2015), the effects of the crisis and labor issues of Brazilian immigrants in Portugal (Pereira & Esteves, 2017), the adaptation of Brazilian expatriates in the country and the resilience processes of immigrants (Ferreira, 2017; Roberto & Moleiro, 2015). Brazilian immigration to Portugal can generate an imaginary of both the Portuguese about Brazilians and the reverse (Lisboa, 2016); however, we know that there are many expressions of racism in Portugal (Vala et al., 2015). It was also reported in the literature the construction of a social imaginary of Brazilian immigrants in Portugal, even on internet social networks (Saturnino, 2015).

Other themes reported in recent researches are the causes of returning or staying (Silva, 2016), life satisfaction (Aguiar, Matias, & Fontaine, 2017), immigrants´ health (Oliveira, Neto, Freire, Félix, Moreira, & Lima, 2016), connections between countries of origin and destination (Fusco, 2006) and their migratory path (Vitorio, 2015). Fundamental themes such as labor relations, although sometimes approached superficially, are reported as well (Carvalho & Afonso, 2018; Domingues & Vilela, 2018; Guedes, & Marques, 2008; Padilla & França, 2016; Santos, 2017). Entrepreneurship (Ferreira, Callou, Andrade, & Guimarães, 2017) and evangelical transnationalism (Oro, 2017; Rodrigues, 2016) were also found in the literature. Finally, according to Amaral, Costa and Allgayer (2017), Brazilians today are a significant portion of emigrants around the world and face situations of helplessness and difficulties in accessing and maintaining their daily rights, when removed from their support networks, especially legal and/or linked to their origin.

Immigrant entrepreneurship

Several scholars, such as Howell (2019), Portes and Zhou (1992), Zhuang (2019) as well as Cruz et al. (2017), researched the general characteristics of ethnic entrepreneurship, including its social environment. Seminal authors emphasized the sociological aspects of the phenomenon, because of the impact of support networks for immigrants, during the beginning of business or social entrepreneurship (Elo & Volovelsky, 2017). Therefore, social networks are based on connections with consumers and inter-organizational alliances that influence the co-creation of opportunities through the articulation of commercial disputes (Brinkerhoff, 2016).

Another crucial aspect within the social networks of immigrants is their degree of assimilation (Alba & Nee, 1997). It is worth mentioning that some studies, namely those by Portes and Zhou (1993), Zhou (1997), Waldinger and Feliciano (2004), Haller, Portes and Lynch (2011) reports that the perspectives of adaptation of the second generation which differ from the experience of their parents. The adaptation of the second generation of contemporary immigrants depends on the level of bilingualism, their accent when speaking the local language (Collins & Low, 2010), their education, racial components and the different contextual situations they face. In this sense, the theory of segmented assimilation, which offers a theoretical framework for understanding the process (Zhou, 1997), may explain why the children of immigrants are at risk of lesser social mobility forming a ‘new rainbow subclass’, given that the greatest number of second generation groups today is formed by a population of predominantly working-class or low-class origin, with a low educational level (Haller, Portes, & Lynch, 2011; Waldinger & Feliciano, 2004). In Portugal, this discrimination is noted in the use of health systems (Coutinho & Oliveira, 2010), civic participation (Fernandes-Jesus, Ribeiro, Ferreira, Cicognani, & Menezes, 2011), student related (Iorio & Nogueira, 2019) or professional related (Egreja & Peixoto, 2011).

According to Achidi-Ndofor and Priem (2011), immigrant entrepreneurs socially identified with their ethnic communities are more likely to become entrepreneurs of ethnic enclaves, while they are linked to their communities by tradition, prestige or even by mere destiny. Therefore, it is not uncommon for them to engage in activities that improve the status of their communities, such as raising funds to build community facilities, helping a future competitor in their establishment in the country, or in the enclave.

However, immigrant entrepreneurs, while serving their ethnic communities, use their relationships to gain access to key resources, such as suppliers and workers (Portes & Zhou, 1993). On the other hand, there are entrepreneurs who hardly identify with their ethnic groups or eventually despise them (Spears, Doosje, & Ellemers, 1997). According to Midtbøen and Nadim (2019), second generation ethnic entrepreneurs are more active in local markets. Therefore, these entrepreneurs change from one market to another due to the strategic use of their ethnicity.

Factors related to intention and entrepreneurship success

In psychological literature, Krueger, Reilly and Carsrud (2000) posit that entrepreneurial intentions have been presented as the best predictor of planned behavior (see Krueger & Carsrud, 1993), especially when this behavior is rare, difficult to observe or involves unpredictable delays. The creation of new businesses often involves considerable planning (Katz & Gartner, 1988) to which the intention models fit properly, making them highly generalizable and robust. Besides entrepreneurial intentions, other variables can be used as predictors of the act of entrepreneurship, such as situational variables (employment status, education level) or individual variables (such as gender, income, ethnicity, or even personality traits), although they are weak predictors. Its advantage, however, consists in the availability of secondary databases and ease of collection, especially when there are linguistic barriers for the application of more complex questionnaires (surveys) (see Kleiner, Lipps, & Ferrez, 2015).

In addition, according to Krueger, Reilly and Carsrud (2000), the understanding of the antecedents of intentions increases our understanding of the intended behavior, such as the act of entrepreneurship. Moreover, the attitudes influence behaviors by its impact on intentions. Intentions and attitudes depend on the situation and the person. Consequently, intent models will better predict behavior than individual variables (e.g. personality) or situational variables (e.g. employment status) will. However, personal and situational variables generally indirectly influence entrepreneurship, influencing key attitudes and general motivation to act (Katz & Gartner, 1988; Krueger & Carsrud, 1993; Krueger, Reilly, & Carsrud, 2000). An example, also pointed out by these authors, is how behavior patterns affect business intentions only when changing attitudes and beliefs, such as perceived self-efficacy. In this sense, entrepreneurial education can have a transforming effect (Graevenitz, Harhoff, & Weber, 2010).

Several seminal studies denote theoretical perspectives that explain the performance of entrepreneurs (Lerner, Brush, & Hisrich, 1997): individual motivations and objectives; social learning; affiliation networks, human capital and environmental influences (Brockhaus & Horwitz, 1986; Burud & Tumolo, 2004; Carrington, Scott & Wasserman, 2005; Hisrich & Brush, 1984). Regarding motivations, some authors highlight those of a psychological nature (Brockhaus & Horwitz, 1986), and the opportunity ones (Hisrich & Brush, 1984). There are also authors who highlight issues of self-esteem (Miskin & Rose, 1990; Laguna, 2013). Regarding social learning or entrepreneurial socialization, it is worth highlighting the individual's socialization process, which takes place in the family environment, transmitting social norms, language and educational aspirations, shaping career preferences through observational learning and modeling (Bandura, 1977). This will affect possible entrepreneurial behaviors in the future (Hisrich & Brush, 1984). New studies involving the influence of social capital on entrepreneurship highlight the complexity of new workers, personal and professional relationships, being an instrument that facilitates the processes of cooperating and coordinating members of a community in favor of a joint benefit (Burud & Tumolo, 2004).

Entrepreneurship is also embedded in a complex network of relationships, with emphasis on network affiliation and contacts and participation in organizations. Within these networks, entrepreneurship is facilitated or limited by the links between aspiring entrepreneurs, resources and opportunities (Klyver, Hindle, & Meyer, 2008; Zimmer & Aldrich, 1987). This is also true in the context of immigrants (Light, Bhachu, & Karageorgis, 2017). According to this view, the presence or absence of networks, as well as affiliation to associations, plays a role in influencing their performance. The importance of support systems, mentors and consultants has been documented in previous research. In particular, co-workers and friends were identified as being important for moral support, while participation in trade associations and women's groups was related to business orientation (Hisrich & Brush, 1984). Other studies in the Brazilian academic literature regarding the success and failure of entrepreneurs (for example, Minello, Alves, & Scherer, 2012) make use of the a priori definition of three categories, involving behavior, financial management and internal control, as well as market relationships.

The human capital theory (Davenport, 1999), involving the level of education, other educational issues, previous professional experiences and business skills, proposes that these factors would influence entrepreneur's commercial performance. Cooper (1981), in turn, proposed that experience and education were antecedents of the decisions to start a company and, ultimately, affected performance. Several seminal studies have shown that years of formal entrepreneurial education before establishing a new company were related to the company's eventual performance (Box, White, & Barr, 1994; Brush & Hisrich, 1991). Recent human capital studies portray a relationship between the investments in knowledge and skills as well as investments in education and experience, showing that success rates for performing highly complex tasks increase with investments in knowledge and skills, suggesting that investments in human capital increases the success rate of a business, and advocates the processes of learning, gaining knowledge and knowledge transfer to business tasks (Unger, Rauch, Frese & Rosenbusch, 2011).

With regard to environmental influences, such as their location, sectorial participation, regulatory environment, credit availability and socio-political variables, all of them are critical determinants of performance. The economic measures of the enterprise profitability, revenues and a number of employees are related to environmental economic conditions, such as market structure, regional opportunities, investment climate, availability of labor and other characteristics (Gibb, 1988). Likewise, the availability of resources, including venture capital, technical workforce, loans, support services and a favorable business subculture, play a major influence on performance (Bruno & Tyebjee, 1982). In the national literature there are several papers that report the capacity to innovate, which includes rethinking about new products, models, processes and markets (for example in Santos, Alves, & Bitencourt, 2015). In this sense, the concept of entrepreneurial orientation (EO) appears in the identification of organizational attitudes and behaviors that can provide greater or lesser capacity to the entrepreneur. The availability of sufficient initial capital is also reported as one of the most important environmental factors that influence the success and profitability of new ventures (Brophy, 1989).

METHODOLOGY

Data collection and sample

According to the official data from the Ministério das Relações Exteriores do Brasil (Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Brazil) - MRE (2016) - the last census reveals about 116,271 Brazilians living in Portugal. It is noteworthy that these are official data from embassies with over three years old; therefore, undocumented immigrants and those with recent immigration are not included. Data from the Serviço de Estrangeiros e Fronteiras (Foreigners and Borders Service) - SEF of Portugal, revealed that the number of Brazilians allowed to live in the country increased 43% from 2018 to 2019, from 105,423 to 150,854, with the total number of immigrants in Portugal exceeding 500,000 individuals. (Veja, 2020). However, it is known that there is also a contingent of irregular and illegal immigrants, difficult to be estimated. Therefore, the researchers considered the official numbers as the basis for the sample calculation. Therefore, a 95% confidence level and a 4% margin of error were arbitrated, reaching a minimum sample size of 598, for Brazilians in Portugal (see Bartlett, Kotrlik & Higgins, 2001; Hair, Black, Babin, Anderson, & Tatham, 2006). The detailed description of the samples is presented in the Results section (Table 4), being a non-probabilistic convenience sample, chosen by accessibility.

Table 1
Main Facebook groups of Brazilians in Portugal that were consulted.

Group name	URL	Members
Brasileiros em Portugal (Brazilians in Portugal)	https://www.Facebook.com/groups/1499905210256206/	293.306
Brasileiros vivendo em Portugal (Brazilians living in Portugal)	https://www.Facebook.com/groups/1487900697936746/	159.860
Apoio brasileiros em Lisboa (Support to Brazilians in Lisbon)	https://www.Facebook.com/groups/808392282569225/	148.006
Brasileiros em Portugal - MRF (Brazilians in Portugal - MRF)	https://www.Facebook.com/groups/1677233752559683/	106.963

• Note.
Source: prepared by the authors, with data (2018) from Facebook.

Table 2
List of Whatsapp groups to complement data collection and collection dates.

Groups' names	Observation Period
Amizades em Lisboa (Friendships in Lisbon)	8 de julho a 4 de agosto de 2017
Do Mundo para a Europa (From the World to Europe)	8 de julho a 4 de agosto de 2017
Grupo de Apoio a Imigrantes Brasileiros (Support Group for Brazilian Immigrants)	8 de julho a 4 de agosto de 2017
Brasileiros em Portugal (Brazilians in Portugal)	8 de julho a 4 de agosto de 2017
Portugal Ajuda (Portugal Help)	8 de julho a 4 de agosto de 2017

• Note.
Source: Compiled by the authors.

Table 3
Means and standard deviations of respondents' characteristics by group.

	Entrepreneur		Non-Entrepreneur
	(n = 94)		(n = 573)
Variable	Average	S.D.	Average	S.D.	Test F / χ2
Gender (% of women)	50.00%	50.27%	64.00%	48,03%	***
Age at arrival	38.65a	10.42a	32.15a	10.21a	***
Education Level	2.12	0.76	2.12	0.80	n.s.
Length of stay in the country	3.57	6.92	2.29	4.43	**
Student visa	10.60%	31.00%	37.90%	48,55%	***
Work visa	3.20%	17.67%	4,20%	20,05%	n.s.
Tourist visa	25,50%	43.84%	25,50%	43.61%	n.s.
Claims citizenship	27.70%	44.97%	26.70%	44,28%	n.s.
Definitive migrant	81,90%	38.70%	60,90%	48.84%	***
Portugal
	Want to be an entrepreneur		Do not want to be an entrepreneur
	(n = 222)		(n = 351)
Variable	Average	S.D.	Average	S.D.	Test F / χ2
Gender (% of women)	57.70%	49,52%	68.10%	6.68%	**
Age at arrival	34.3b	10.4b	30.85b	9.88b	***
Education Level	2.10	0.83	2.13	0.77	n.s.
Length of stay in the country	2.32	4.34	2.27	4.50	n.s.
Student visa	30,20%	46.01%	42,70%	49,54%	***
Work visa	4.50%	20.79%	4.00%	19,60%	n.s.
Tourist visa	27.50%	44.74%	24,20%	42,90%	n.s.
Claims citizenship	31,10%	46.39%	23,90%	42.73%	*
Definitive migrant	74.30%	43.78%	52,40%	50.01%	***

• Note
• ^*
  p < 0,1;
• ^**
  p < 0,05;
• ^***
  p < 0,01.

Table 4
Logistic regression.

Entrepreneur
	B	S.E.	Sig.
Gender (% of women)	0.816	0.257	***
Age at arrival	0.026	0.013	**
Education Level	0.055	0.173	n.s.
Length of stay in the country	0.049	0.023	**
Student visa	2,726	0.475	***
Work visa	2.257	0.711	***
Tourist visa	1.776	0.384	***
Claims citizenship	1.659	0.365	***
Definitive migrant	-0,564	0.318	*
Constant	-9.896	1.276	***
Cox & Snell R2	0.133
Nagelkerke R2	0.238
Non-entrepreneur: Do you want to be one
	B	S.E.	Sig.
Gender (% of women)	0.553	0.195	***
Age at arrival	0.036	0.011	***
Education Level	-0,168	0.135	n.s.
Length of stay in the country	-0,023	0.022	n.s.
Student visa	-0,358	0.456	n.s.
Work visa	-0,428	0.604	n.s.
Tourist visa	-0,462	0.451	n.s.
Claims citizenship	-0.551	0.445	n.s.
Definitive migrant	-0,887	0.21	***
Constant	0.242	1.334	n.s.
Cox & Snell R2	0.083
Nagelkerke R2	0.114

• Note.
• ^*
  p<0,1,
• ^**
  p<0,05;
• ^***
  p<0,01.

The researchers, based on the work of Baltar and Icart (2013), used Facebook groups to make available to the respondents the survey questionnaire. To minimize response bias, some strategies that were used are described as follows. First, the researchers signed up for 20 Facebook groups of Brazilians in Portugal, totaling 708,135 members. It is worth of note that not all members of the group were Brazilian residents. The posts from these groups reveal that many would be interested in immigrating or were simply sympathetic to the idea. Table 1 shows the four largest groups..

As many of these groups were private, the researchers had to wait for the approval of the administrators in order to participate in the conversations. Even after the group approval, publications were also subject to administrators´ validation. In this case, contacts were made with those responsible for the group via inbox (private messages), in order to explain the purpose of the research project, also requesting help in disseminating the survey URL. Although most group administrators were solicitous, the researchers received some requests for financial compensation to guarantee support for the posts. As there was no research budget for this specific purpose, the researchers registered with as many groups as possible, in order to obtain access to enough respondents, which in total would reach the minimum sample size. Another strategy used by researchers was to identify the most active members, by their number of posts, and participations, sending them exclusive private messages, and asking for support: both to respond and to disclose the questionnaires. The survey was available during eight months in the Facebook groups of Brazilians in Portugal, which enabled exceeding the stipulated minimum sample of 598, reaching 667 respondents. The detailed description of the sample is presented in the Results section (Table 4). Of the total number of respondents in Portugal of 667 Brazilians, 94 are entrepreneurs (14.1%). Of the 573 who are not entrepreneurs, 222 are willing to venture in the future (38.7%).

Figure 1
Example of a summoning publication to answer the survey.

Description of the variables

To identify characteristics of Brazilian immigrants in Portugal possibly associated with the entrepreneurship (or, if not, with the desire to be an entrepreneur), data was collected and framed as dependent variables. 'Entrepreneur' was defined as 1 (one) if the person acts as an entrepreneur in the host country and 0 (zero) if he is not an entrepreneur; and 'Desire to be an entrepreneur', defined as 1 (one) if the person does not act as an entrepreneur but wishes to act in the future and 0 (zero) if not. The independent variables, which represent characteristics of the respondent upon arrival in Portugal or now, and which may affect the decision to be an entrepreneur, in the present's case study, are:

1. Gender - 0 (zero) if the interviewee is a man and 1 (one) if a woman;

2. Age at arrival - age of the interviewee when he (or she) arrived in the country;

3. Educational level - 0 (zero) if the person had only completed elementary school or less upon arrival in the country, 1 (one) if he had completed high school, 2 (two) if he (or she) had an undergraduate degree and 3 (three) if he (or she) had completed any graduate studies;

4. Time in the foreign country - how many years the respondent has lived in the country;

5. Student visa - 1 (one) if the interviewee entered the country with a student visa and 0 (zero) otherwise;

6. Work visa - 1 (one) if the interviewee entered the country with a work visa and 0 (zero) otherwise;

7. Tourist visa - 1 (one) if the interviewee entered the country on a tourist visa and 0 (zero) otherwise;

8. Claims citizenship - 1 (one) if the interviewee is claiming citizenship in the country and 0 (zero) otherwise;

9. Definitive migrant - 0 (zero) if interviewed declared the intention to return at any time and 1 (one) otherwise.

Statistical analysis

First, the risk of the existence of Common Method Bias (CMB), in each of the samples was tested by performing an exploratory factor analysis (EFA) with all the variables used in the study. A total explained variance of 50% or more on a single factor would show the possible presence of this type of bias (Podsakoff, MacKenzie, Lee, & Podsakoff, 2003). After that, a descriptive analysis of the study variables by group was conducted (entrepreneurs, non-entrepreneurs who wish to undertake and those who do not). An ANOVA (F test) was performed to analyze the average differences of continuous variables and a ꭓ2 test for categorical variables between the three groups (Hair et al., 2006). The results indicated some factors that could be used to describe the profile of each of the groups. Finally, after transforming all continuous variables to Z-score, logistic regression (logit) was used, with Entrepreneur and Desire to be an Entrepreneur as dependent variables, to determine which variables are statistically relevant to predict whether a Brazilian immigrant in Portugal became an entrepreneur or if they would have that desire. All independent variables described in the previous section were used in each of the proposed logits, which are described by equations (1) and (2). Finally, the analysis of the confidence intervals allowed us to understand the differences in importance between the dependent variables of each of the equations in the context of Portugal.

(1) $\begin{array}{c}\mathit{Ln}\left(\mathit{Entrepreneur}/\mathit{1}-\mathit{Entrepreneur}\right)=\beta a_0+\beta a_1*\mathit{Gender}+\beta a_2*\mathit{Age}\mathit{at}\mathit{arrival}+\beta a_3*\mathit{Education}\mathit{level}+\beta a_4*\mathrm{Time}\mathrm{in}\hfill \\ \mathrm{foreing}\mathrm{country}+\beta a_5*\mathit{Student}\mathit{visa}+\beta a_6*\mathit{Work}\mathit{visa}+\beta a_7*\mathit{Tourist}\mathit{visa}+\beta a_8*\mathit{Claims}\mathit{citiznship}+\beta a_9*\mathit{Definitive}\hfill \\ \mathit{migrant}\hfill \end{array}$

(2) $\begin{array}{c}\mathit{Ln}\left(\mathit{Desejo}\mathit{de}\mathit{empreender}/\mathit{1}-\right.\mathit{Desejo}\mathit{de}\mathit{empreender}=\beta a_0+\beta a_1*\mathit{Gender}+\beta a_2*\mathit{Age}\mathit{at}\mathit{arrival}+\beta a_3*\mathit{Education}\hfill \\ \mathit{level}+\beta a_4*\mathrm{Time}\mathrm{in}\mathrm{foreign}\mathrm{country}+\beta a_5*\mathit{Student}\mathit{visa}+\beta a_6*\mathit{Work}\mathit{visa}+\beta a_7*\mathit{Tourist}\mathit{visa}+\beta a_8*\mathit{Clains}\hfill \\ \mathit{citizenship}+\beta a_9*\mathit{Definitive}\mathit{migrant}\hfill \end{array}$

Data triangulation

In order to triangulate the survey data, it was used data extracted from the Whatsapp conversation groups, whose participants were Brazilians, either who were already in Portugal or who were planning to emigrate there. Members of the Facebook groups, on which the survey forms were published, nominated over ten Whatsapp groups. One researcher joined as a member of these groups, remaining active for a month between July and August 2017. According to the precepts of netnography (Kozinets, 2002), the selection of groups followed the subsequent criteria: (a) that they had a relevant topic for research; (b) that they had good posts traffic; (c) those which presented many individuals posting messages; (d) that had plenty detailed or descriptive information; and (e) those who had more interactions between community members, specially related to the research question. Given these criteria, five WhatsApp groups were selected, whose aim would be to help (or support), in different ways, Brazilian inhabitants of Portugal or who were looking for information to emigrate to the country. Netnography was carried out without researchers´ interactions with members, only using observation, identification, analysis and categorization of posts. The conversations were saved in .pdf format, with 735 pages transcribed. The messages were quantified qualitatively through the content analysis software Atlas.Ti, resulting in a classification in seven themes emerging from the transcribed conversations: business announcement; product, service or entertainment tips; job; immigration; information and questions; News; and solidarity (see Table 2). The research corpus refers to the rule of representativeness, homogeneity and pertinence, given the impossibility of obtaining, in its entirety, all conversations and groups of Brazilians in Portugal (Bardin, 2011).

RESULTS

Brazilian immigrant profile in Portugal

Table 3 presents the sample's descriptive statistics for each of the groups. There is a balance between the number of men and women in those who already are entrepreneurs (50%). On the other hand, there is a higher prevalence of non-entrepreneurial women (64%). Of these, the proportion of women who do not want to be an entrepreneur is greater than that of men (68%). The average age is higher for entrepreneurs, as it is their time spent in the country. Among non-entrepreneurs, it is observed that those who want to be an entrepreneur generally have over three years living in the country (3.25 years). It is also interesting to note that the proportion of permanent migrants is higher for non-entrepreneurs in Portugal. With those who do not want to be an entrepreneur yet, those who intend to do so in the future far outweigh those who do not want to in both contexts. Regarding the visa to enter the country, in Portugal, the proportion of people who entered as a tourist is the same for businessmen and non-businessmen, and between those who want to undertake and those who do not. The same phenomenon is observed for people who have applied for a work visa.

Then, the possibility of CMB for the samples was verified. Two EFAs were performed, one for each dependent variable in conjunction with the independent variables. This was necessary, since the answer to the second independent variable assumes that the person is not an entrepreneur, which makes this variable non-variant, preventing the two dependent variables from being part of the same EFA. In the case of Portugal, the figures were 19.27% and 19.57%, respectively. All values are much lower than the 50% limit. For this reason, the CMB was not considered a problem. Table 4 shows the results of the logits that estimated the influence of the independent variables about 'Entrepreneur' and ' Desire to be an entrepreneur'. In all cases, the general adjustment of the logit was significant, with p <0.01. The Cox & Snell R2 and Nagelkerke R2 indexes in each case are also shown in Table 4.

Analyzing the results for the dependent variable Entrepreneur, it is observed that 'Age at arrival', 'Time in the country', 'gender' (female), 'Work visa', ' Tourist visa' and 'Claims citizenship' have a positive influence, and 'Definitive migrant' has a negative influence.

Equations (3) and (4) shows the simulated regression models, considering only the significant variables at p <0.1:

(3) $\begin{array}{c}\mathrm{Ln}\left(\mathrm{Entrepreneur}/1-\mathrm{Entrepreneur}\right)=\hfill \\ -9.896+0,816*\mathrm{Gender}+0.026*\mathrm{Age}\mathrm{at}\hfill \\ \mathrm{arrival}+0.049*\mathrm{Time}\mathrm{in}\mathrm{foreign}\mathrm{country}+\hfill \\ 2.726*\mathrm{Student}\mathrm{visa}+2.257*\mathrm{Work}\mathrm{visa}+\hfill \\ 1.776*\mathrm{Tourist}\mathrm{visa}+1.659*\mathrm{Claims}\hfill \\ \mathrm{citizenship}-0.564*\mathrm{Definitive}\mathrm{migrant}.\hfill \end{array}$

(4) $\begin{array}{c}\mathrm{Ln}\left(\mathrm{Desire}\mathrm{to}\mathrm{be}\mathrm{an}\mathrm{entrepreneur}/1-\mathrm{Desire}\right.\hfill \\ \left.\mathrm{to}\mathrm{be}\mathrm{an}\mathrm{entrepreneur}\right)=0.553*\mathrm{Gender}\hfill \\ +0.036*\mathrm{Age}\mathrm{at}\mathrm{arrival}-0.887*\mathrm{Definitive}\hfill \\ \mathrm{migrant}\hfill \end{array}$

Robustness test

To test how robust and stable the regression results are, a K-mean cluster analysis was performed (Hair et al., 2006). This method classifies, according to chosen variables, the cases of a sample in a pre-determined number of groups. This grouping is conducted according to the Euclidean distances between cases, considering the variables as dimensions in space (Hair et al., 2006). Closer cases would then tend to be classified within the same group.

According to the proposition of the article, the sample can be divided into three groups: entrepreneurs, non-entrepreneurs who want to be one, and non-entrepreneurs who do not wish to be entrepreneurs. It was also proposed that the nine independent variables used in the logits could be used to differentiate the cases, classifying them within these three groups.

After the analysis, the resulting classification of the method and the original classification were correlated (through Pearson's correlation). This correlation proved to be positive (0.128) and significant at p <0.01. Thus, we can say that both methods provided correlated results, although differences in the groups’ classifications occurred with a frequency close to 25%. This frequency, together with the positive and significant correlation was considered acceptable to support the robustness of the method.

Discussion of the results

Remembering that the article´s proposal was to identify situational variables (e.g. employment status or education level) or individual variables (e.g. demographic characteristics) that predict venturing activities, results points to some promising findings. It is in the interest of several entrepreneurship researchers and public managers to be able to use secondary socio-demographic and situational data on immigrants, which are often available in government databases or even in immigrant censuses questionnaires.

It can be stated, based on the sample, that the older the age when they arrive in the country and the longer their stay, the greater the probability of venturing. In the case of the length of stay in the country, the reason is clear, since people who immigrated intending to be an entrepreneur need time to plan and execute the setting up of their business, which increases the probability of creating it over the years, corroborating with Krueger, Reilly and Carsrud (2000). Regarding the age of arrival in the country, this can be derived from the fact that the average age of student immigrants is lower than that of other immigrants. To try to resolve this doubt, the average age of the different groups was calculated. In fact, what the survey data shows was that the average age of those who arrived as students in Portugal was 31 years old, with 37 years old being the average for the other respondents. Another explanation would be that the more mature ones have greater urgency to establish themselves in a profession that guarantees their livelihood and that of their family, while the younger ones may still have no family and might be supported by their parents, not having the same urgency to decide how to settle. However, when analyzing the answers to the open probing questions, “What is your purpose?” and “What are the main difficulties faced when you arrived?” none of those who declared themselves to be entrepreneurs mentioned the urgency to undertake. The main allegations were related to the need to have a better life or the difficulties of dealing with a new culture.

On the other hand, it is surprising that respondents who declared they want to stay forever in the host country or have no defined term in the country are more likely not to become entrepreneurs. It is possible that these, mostly, have formal jobs, while entrepreneurial activities are more conditioned to their permanent stay in order to succeed in their businesses. While analyzing in details the survey data, it was identified that 38% of Brazilians in Portugal who declared that they want to stay forever are just working, and another 16% are working and studying.

Several of the researched factors corroborate the fact that the interviewees are entrepreneurs only in Portugal. First, being a woman. Women still feel a primary responsibility for the family. Furthermore, ethnic and gender differences in career choice are largely explained by differences in self-efficacy (Krueger, Reilly & Carsrud, 2000), with several studies applied in the fields of psychology and sociology pointing out how to remedy differences in self-efficacy. When it is increased, it also raises perceptions of the project's viability and perceptions of opportunities. In job selection, women attach great importance to ‘convenience’ - the extent to which employment can be accommodated in their family life (Azmon & Izraeli, 1993; Yukongdi & Lopa, 2017). Consequently, there is a general lack of support for women who are involved in managerial and administrative positions (Izraeli, 1994), as well as self-employed (Yukongdi & Lopa, 2017). However, according to Krueger, Reilly e Carsrud (2000), training programs, which are carefully formatted for this audience, can raise awareness and promote female entrepreneurship.

Likewise, emigrants with either a tourist, work or student visa, and people who claim citizenship are more likely to be entrepreneurs, which shows a tendency of these individuals to settle in Portugal. There is also an easier visa acquisition, both because of the Brazilians' descent with the attainment of European citizenship, and because of reciprocal policies between Brazil and Portugal (Bitencourt & Ricken, 2018).

Considering the samples of respondents who are not currently entrepreneurs, it is possible to identify factors correlated intending to be one in the future, with female respondents having greater intention. The justification for this can be the same as previously given. The tendency to be an entrepreneur for the convenience of deciding their working hours that make it possible to take care of the family. Furthermore, they may not have been able to open their businesses yet, although they still intend to do so. A negative relationship was also found between the fact that the respondent is a permanent immigrant and the intention to open a business. As previously mentioned, the people who intend to stay permanently in the country are the ones who are employed in a stable job. Those would possibly not be so interested in venturing, corroborating the studies by Krueger, Reilly & Carsrud (2000), who shows a type of thinking that emphasizes an ‘opportunities versus threats analysis’, or that intentions in general depend on perceptions of personal attractiveness, social norms and viability (see Krueger & Carsrud, 1993).

Cruz, Falcão and Barreto (2018), in studies carried out in a Brazilian community in South Florida (USA) had already detected that Brazilian entrepreneurs usually arrive financially prepared, with a money reserve to face the financial difficulties of the first months. Based on this behavior of Brazilians, this explanation should only be fully clarified with the second phase of the research, which will involve face-to- face in-depth interviews with Brazilian entrepreneurs in Portugal (scheduled to begin in 2020).

Finally, no other factor was found to be correlated with the intention to undertake in Portugal. These findings reinforces what has been argued previously regarding the negative correlation between tourist or student visa, and the fact that the person is an entrepreneur. Portugal appears to be a facilitating environment to start-up businesses in an irregular or illegal way.

Triangulation of results

Through the triangulation of the WhatsApp conversations data, analyzing the words contained in the conversations in isolation, it was concluded that the predominant subjects refer to work and employment, information about companies and the migratory process, as well as citizenship acquisition. Part of the findings in the survey conducted on Facebook is in line with what was previously analyzed in the WhatsApp conversations, regarding the motivations to migrate and the choice of Portugal as a destination, the search for better educational and professional environment and life opportunities in general. It is also noticed that many ask questions about the types of visas and their consequences.

Question: “Do you know if the entrepreneur visa (it's the D7, right?) pays too many taxes? Do you know if there is a different visa for liberal professionals?”

Answer: “D2 is the entrepreneur visa and D7 is the retired visa”.

Question: “As you are still in the 3-month period, you have a tourist visa, right? Do they hire (make contracts) if you still hold a tourist visa?”

Question: “Can someone answer me if it is possible to go (to Portugal) with a tourist visa, and after I choose what is the best University, get a student visa? ” “ Below, check out the complete list of the 26 Portuguese universities that officially partnered with Inep to use the Enem grade as a method for selecting students from Brazil:”

Answer: “Yeah, this is it. They make a contract, but can fine to the boss and delay the employee's residence request.... They can choose who worked when the person wasn't able to... Things like that”.

Answer: “If you are going to start up a company, company taxes do not legalize the person, now as you are the owner or partner of the company, you have to make the social security payments, then after a few months of contribution you can try this way…”

Question: Yes, with a D2 visa. Where do I read about the D2 visa?”

Answer: “I’ll give you through pv ok. Add me. Or right here. I'll give you the list of visas. Yes, with a D2 visa the person comes with a visa, already arriving at SEF to get the residence card.... It's easier this way... because you are not an illegal at any time...”

Question: “student and residency? (Of course the name says it). Can you get residency if you're going to study? Mine will be 30 days tomorrow at the PE consulate”.

Answer: “Student (registered) in courses up to 1 year. You can't work legally. Residence: courses over 1 year. You can work, as long as you have SEF authorization (www.sef.pt) ”

Of those who hold European citizenship, some group participants have doubts about immigrating to Portugal, according to extracts:

Question: “Hi guys. I have Portuguese citizenship and I intend to move in next year with my husband and daughter. I am in huge doubt whether to go to Portugal or Spain. We want to set up our own business outside of Brazil. I would love the opinion of those who are there, after all, at first, until we adapt, and define what to assemble while improving the language, we will have to work for someone. Any help is appreciated. Thank you so much for accepting me in the group”.

Question: “Good night guys! I'm new to the group and I'm interested in moving in ... I'm actually in doubt between Spain and Portugal. Can you help me about the differences between these two countries? I have Portuguese citizenship and I intend to set up my own business. What are the best regions to live in Spain? I am looking for a place with a weather similar to Brazil (warm), a quiet place, with a reasonably priced rental, and close to local stores. If you can tell me about the aesthetic branch, it would be great. At first, to be sure that I will adapt to the region, I will work for someone, so it has to be a work area too. Thank you very much in advance”.

Another aspect highlighted are the most demanded professions:

Question: “Good night guys, I'm still in Brazil and I will go to Lisbon on 05/08. Unfortunately, I am unemployed, and I can't stand the violence here anymore, I am 33 years old and I have three children. I'm going ahead and then I'll take the family. And I would really like some help to get any job there, even if it is in the cleaning area. I have skills in the following areas; locksmith, building electrician, industrial plumber, industrial boilermaker, industrial mechanic, full industrial process technician, senior project analyst, maintenance supervisor”.

Answer: “I recommend learning one of these professions before leaving Brazil: painter, gardener, waiter, chambermaid, mason, electrician, cook, baker, confectioner, plumber, carpenter, plasterer, tiler, hairdresser, among other operational staff. In these professions you will earn between 600 and 1200 Euros, if you manage to earn more, even better, remembering that the monthly cost of living will be ± 450 Euros per person”.

FINAL CONSIDERATIONS

The initial aim of the study was to determine which variables would be statistically relevant to predict whether a Brazilian immigrant in Portugal would intend to become an entrepreneur. The result of the analysis of statistical data derived from the surveys utilized variables such as gender, age at arrival, level educational status, length of stay in the foreign country until the time of the research, and whether they would have seen a student, work or tourist visa, or even if they would claim their citizenship or permanent migration.

Given what was evidenced in the research, there are different influences of the variables, depending on the country in which the Brazilians are. This is partially explained by the environmental influence, whether in the policies to encourage qualified immigration, in the attraction of descendant immigrants (important for Brazilian immigrants in Portugal), or the country's general institutional environment, as evidenced in studies conducted in the United States and Australia with Brazilian communities. (Cruz, Falcão, & Barreto, 2017; Cruz, Falcão, & Barreto, 2018; Cruz, Falcão, & Mancebo, 2019; Cruz, Falcão, & Paula, 2018). The present work initially intends to offer a theoretical contribution regarding the variables that are related to the intention of venturing in the context of a Brazilian community abroad. Furthermore, it is worth noting that in the field of immigrant entrepreneurship, Brazilians have been under-researched even by Brazilian academics (Cruz, Falcão, & Barreto, 2018). Most of the studies include natives from several Asian ethnicities, from Middle Eastern countries or from Latin American countries, based in Europe or the United States.

As managerial implications, the results observed in the Brazilian communities in Portugal points to variables that influences the immigrants' intention to become an entrepreneur (such as age at arrival, time in the country, work visa, education level, tourist visa and claim citizenship). These variables can be used as inputs for public policies aimed at entrepreneurship, such as mechanisms to fostering and to attracting future entrepreneurs.

In the case of future research, it is proposed new comparative studies between different communities of Brazilians, and comparative studies between different ethnicities. Other possibilities for future studies include the use of the five theoretical perspectives of seminal studies, which would explain the performance of entrepreneurs, namely individual motivations and objectives; social learning; affiliation networks, human capital and environmental influences (Brockhaus & Horwitz 1986; Hisrich & Brush, 1984). These could also highlight the possible effects of entrepreneurial education on immigrants, corroborating with Santos, Caetano, Spagnoli, Costa and Neumeyer (2017), Yukongdi and Lopa (2017).

In addition, it is highlighted that there is other information extracted from the survey data that will be used in other studies. This means that within the scope of future research, those that are already under development stand out, drawing on research reports and in-depth interviews with Brazilian immigrants in Portugal, generating articles on the profile of Brazilians in host countries and articles on the business models of small and medium-sized Brazilian companies established overseas. It is worth mentioning that a study replication process has already been carried out in countries such as Canada, Germany, Switzerland, Italy and the United Kingdom.

• Funding
  The research that supports the data in this article was carried out with financial support from the Ministry of Science, Technology and Innovation, National Council for Scientific and Technological Development - CNPq, Brazil. Call MCTIC / CNPq nr. 28/2018 - Universal.
• Copyrights
  RAC owns the copyright to this content.
• Plagiarism Check
  The RAC maintains the practice of submitting all documents approved for publication to the plagiarism check, using specific tools, e.g.: iThenticate.
• Peer Review Method
  This content was evaluated using the double-blind peer review process. The disclosure of the reviewers' information on the first page is made only after concluding the evaluation process, and with the voluntary consent of the respective reviewers.
• Data Availability
  All data and materials were made publicly available through the Mendeley platform and can be accessed at:
  http://dx.doi.org/10.17632/92c8925nbr.2 Cruz, Eduardo; Falcao, Roberto; Paula, Fabio (2020), “Data for: "Analysis of prescribing variables of entrepreneurial intention of Brazilian immigrants in Portugal" published by RAC-Revista de Administração Contemporânea”, Mendeley Data, v2.

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Edited by

Editor-in-chief: Wesley Mendes-Da-Silva (Fundação Getulio Vargas, EAESP, Brazil) https://orcid.org/0000-0002-5500-4872

Reviewers: Selma Mosquera (Universidade de Lisboa, ISCSP, CAPP, Portugal). https://orcid.org/0000-0002-7464-8649One of the reviewers chose not to disclose his/her identity.

Publication Dates

• Publication in this collection
  17 Apr 2020
• Date of issue
  May-Jun 2020

History

• Received
  12 Dec 2019
• Reviewed
  28 Feb 2020
• Accepted
  28 Feb 2020